Nepal - The First Great Victory of International Communist Movement in 21st Century

Article by Umberto C. from La Voce (The Voice of the (new)Italian Communist Party) No. 29, July 2008
giovedì 18 settembre 2008.


2008, September 17th

Article by Umberto C. from La Voce (The Voice of the (new)Italian Communist Party) No. 29, July 2008



On past May 28 in Nepal the Constituent Assembly (CA) pronounced the king declined and proclaimed the end of the monarchy that since 1768 have been reigning throughout the country. By overwhelming majority (560 votes out of 601 members of whom 564 were present), the CA declared Nepal a Federal Democratic Republic. The decision of the CA is an important stage in the democratic revolution progressing in Nepal. The event is all the more important and of international significance because the democratic revolution is led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Actually the federal democratic republic is the first of the objectives the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has proposed to the popular masses of Nepal 18 years ago and for which it managed to mobilize them.

Nepal is a relatively small country: it is approximately half of Italy for area and population. It has been a very backward country not only politically, but also from an economic and cultural point of view. Women’s oppression (a large number of women are recruited to whore in India), division in castes and oppression of national minorities have been strengthened by foreign rule: English colonialism before (British government recruits still today troops in Nepal: the Gurkha Regiment), Indian and USA imperialists after.

Democratic revolution has finally been developing strength in this country in the last twenty years thanks to Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) leading. The Constituent Assembly is made up by representatives elected by all Nepali people’s constituents: women and lower castes’ and oppressed nationalities’ members are numerous. Abolition of monarchy is the result of revolutionary people’s war that Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has begun in 1990, when it has broken away from modern revisionists (whose strength has been coexisting with feudal and imperialistic oppression and with divine monarchy, and in actual fact it has therefore been making revisionists one of their embellishments) and has adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding theory and protracted revolutionary people’s war as its strategy. The great victory (more than one third of all elected people, 220 out of 585 elective members) of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) in the elections for the Constituent Assembly held on April 10th would not have been possible without the moral mobilization, the organization of popular masses and the strength relations created in the country by the successes got by the new power established in past years in most of the country and based on revolutionary armed forces, on local democratic governments and on the other popular organizations created and led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The hopes the new republic get the better of its domestic and foreign enemies and democratic revolution develop further on economic and cultural ground too would be very few, if there weren’t the forces which Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has already accumulated by revolutionary people’s war. The victory of democratic revolution in Nepal is so the victory of the view and of the line of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist): Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and protracted revolutionary people’s war.


Nepal has been unified under monarchy in mid-eighteenth century, 240 years ago. King of Nepal has been still up to yesterday claiming to have received the power from god, about like the Pope who lord it in our country at the head of Papal Court and pulls strings of its political, economic and cultural institutions, being so responsible for the decay which we got bogged down in. But neither the divine origin, nor the support of North American and Indian imperialists have been enough to let him stay on. The CA has given him 15 days to vacate the royal palace. This one has been declared national property and destined to become a museum. The Nepali monarchy is so ended up in the museum of history. It has preceded by a few years the Pontiff of Rome and the future which waits for the Vatican.

Nepal is in these months experiencing again what experienced England in mid-seventeenth century, when king Charles I of the Stuart dynasty was deposed and then executed (1649). It is experiencing what experienced France during French Revolution, when monarchy was abolished and king Louis XVI of the Bourbon dynasty was deposed and a short time later executed (1793). It is experiencing what experienced Russia in 1917 when the Tsar was deposed and then executed (1918). But it experiences that in the conditions of 21st century, after the proletarian revolution first wave and at the beginning of the second one. At the direction of revolution there are not the representatives of merchants and of bourgeoisie in the ascendant, Protestant believers or Enlightenment thinkers. Nepali democratic revolution is led by a communist party based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In some respects the political situation is more similar to Russia of 1917’s one, but the leadership of communist party in the democratic revolution in Nepal is quite more established than it was in Russia, while there is not a concentrated, organized and conscious working class as there was in Russia of 1917 and the international context is deeply different.


The decision taken on May 28 by the Constituent Assembly marks the beginning of a new phase of democratic revolution in Nepal. Nepali revolutionary movement will have to overcome still many obstacles in next months: to establish a government that corresponds to the objectives of popular movement, to put an end in the whole regulations of the country to feudal and castes system and to oppression on women and on national minorities, to start the entire country on the path of economic and cultural progress.

Democratic revolution has to put an end inside Nepal to personal dependence (patriarchal, feudal or religious) relations and to strengthen merchant economy, with the objective to improve material and spiritual conditions of the great mass of people. Therefore, it will have to resist the conspiracies of royalist, feudal and clerical forces which will seek to return to power. It will have to prevent too that bourgeois and reformist forces (included phoney communist, the modern revisionists who are rather strong in Nepal - Communist Party of Nepal (UML) has got 103 elected people in the CA) prevail. These bourgeois and reformist forces, apart from the names they give themselves, are spokespersons of the unrealistic bourgeoisie, incapable by now of an independent development from the world imperialistic system: the tries at an autonomous capitalist development had in the imperialistic epoch in numerous countries are all failed. These forces, willing or not, will seek to integrate the new Nepal into the world imperialistic system and to keep popular masses from mobilizing and organizing in large to solve their economic and cultural problems by themselves. They would lead therefore the democratic revolution to ruin.

Democratic revolution of Nepal in international relations has won against 21st century’s world imperialistic system. It constitutes for the peoples of the whole world a precedent and an example which the imperialists will do their all to wreck. It is a knock directed against the whole imperialism’s world system. It weakens the desperate effort that imperialists and other reactionary forces are making in every corner of the world to distract the masses from proletarian revolution, despite the infamous conditions which imperialistic system has precipitated them in and which every day more sinks them in. Democratic revolution of Nepal, therefore, will have to resist the armed or not armed, open or disguised aggression of imperialism, particularly of North American and Indian one. Indian imperialists have been acting for years in collusion with USA ones (which in New Delhi have even installed a FBI headquarters and with Israeli Zionist groups. Imperialists will seek to aggravate popular masses’ economic situation, already difficult, and to foment national divisions. They will have recourse to all the means at their disposal to bribe and to strengthen the residual feudal notables the democratic revolution has not unsaddled yet, to corrupt new bourgeois notables and to create counter-revolutionary movements. They will seek to profit on the political plane in every way from every pretext to stifle or to divert revolution, as they have done with success in several countries of Africa (Mozambique, Angola, etc.), in Nicaragua after Sandinistas’ victory in 1979 and in several other countries, as they have tried without success to do in Russia and Cuba. Democratic revolution of Nepal rests on the far-sighted leading of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and on the solid and broad popular mobilization the Party has created especially among farmers during the decade of armed struggle (1996-2006) and it has extended in the cities in the last years.

Owing to the victories until now got, we are convinced that Nepali comrades will be able to carry the revolution out and that the manoeuvres of domestic and foreign reactionary forces (particularly of Washington government and of New Delhi one) will be defeated together with the forces they will succeed in mobilizing in Nepal. Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) belongs to RIM (Revolutionary Internationalist Movement) and it has been tied up for a long time to communist parties of the other countries of the zone: in 2001 it has formed with them the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of Southern Asia (CCOMPOSA). It has for nearly two decades adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding view, and protracted revolutionary people’s war as its strategy for the revolution in Nepal. It has given important contributions to the international communist movement’s stocktaking, to the analysis of the present situation of class struggle in the world and to the definition of the view and of the line which international communist movement has to follow to take the lead of the struggle to establish socialism and to create regimes of new democracy to direct and to lead to victory the popular masses that resist and fight all over the world against imperialism and reaction, against the effects of new general crisis, against the speculators who starve the peoples and against the governments which protect them, against imperialistic powers and NATO which attack in the name of their “war on terrorism” an increasing number of countries and carry everywhere out criminal manoeuvres and conspiracies in the scope of an undeclared extermination war against popular masses. Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has advanced by victories in spite of USA and Indian imperialists’ opposition. It deserves the confidence of all the parties and the members of international communist movement which have a great deal to learn from it. (1)

Nepali popular masses, so as to avoid imperialistic system’s vicelike grip and to improve their economic and cultural conditions, will have to take the way of socialism, and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will lead them along that way. In addition to domestic factors, the main ones, they will work in Nepali revolution’s favour the contradictions between the governments of Washington and New Delhi and the government of Peking, the resistance that in many countries, particularly in Iraq, in Afghanistan, in Palestine, in Lebanon and in Somalia the popular masses oppose USA and NATO aggression, the analogous struggles in sight in other countries (Pakistan, Latin America, etc.), the ongoing revolutionary people’s wars in India and other South-East Asian countries. Our struggle too against Italian participation in imperialistic aggressions (Afghanistan, Lebanon, Iraq, Yugoslavia, Palestine, etc.) will help democratic revolution of Nepal. The best support we communists of imperialistic countries can and have to give the democratic revolution in Nepal is yet the development of revolutionary people’s war up to establish socialism in our countries.


The victory of new democracy revolution in Nepal is an event of a great world importance, even though Nepal is relatively a small country. Mainly for two reasons.

1. Nepal is located in a region, southern Asia (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri-Lanka), where more than 1.300 million inhabitants, one fifth of the world population, live. Anti-imperialist democratic revolutionary movement is in a full development in this region and it is led by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, particularly in India, thanks to the Indian Communist Party (Maoist). It is a hinge zone between China, which faces a tempestuous time, and Arab and Muslim world in full anti-imperialist commotion. The success of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will boost very much the revolutionary movement of the region. (2)

2. The world whole communist movement is experiencing a decisive phase for its renewal: the phase of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism’s adoption as its guiding theory. This is the main discriminating factor inside world communist movement today. The victory got by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and its contributions to communist theory give an important impulse to the Left of world whole communist movement: to the most advanced parties, to the Left inside each party, to its most advanced exponents.

The downfall of monarchic regime and semi-feudal system which had been trampling popular masses of Nepal on, has begun when Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has broken with hesitations and backwardness common to most of self-proclaimed communist, reformist or impotent anyway (because ideologically backward) parties both of Nepal and of the rest of the world, when it has adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding view and, on the basis of the concrete conditions of the country, it has begun the protracted revolutionary people’s war: i.e. the creation of an independent power in the country, opposing the power of the godlike king supported by North American and Indian imperialists and embellished by reformists and revisionists. It has step by step created a new power based on popular masses’ mobilization around the Party. In this sense the struggle led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and its victory are an example, a confirmation and an incentive to us communists fighting to make Italy a new socialist country, through the revolutionary people’s war and the creation of an independent New Power, opposing the one of imperialistic bourgeoisie which has Papal Court as its control room and benefits from the support of USA imperialists, Zionist groups and Italian Criminal Organizations. Both it is an example, a confirmation and an incentive to us, and it will be that to many other communist parties too.

Democratic revolution of Nepal is a part of proletarian revolution’s new wave advancing worldwide, and in Nepal it paves the way for socialist revolution. Our country needs socialist revolution, but the latter is too a part of world proletarian revolution and it has in common with democratic revolution of Nepal the main enemy (world imperialistic system) and the theory that guides it (Marxism-Leninism-Maoism). In our propaganda we communists have to explain events of Nepal to expound better what socialism is, the difference between socialism and bourgeois democracy, the difference between the struggle for socialism and the struggles of claims (which the followers of economism put in place of the former). We have to explain them to demonstrate that socialism is possible in spite of impressiveness and arrogance of imperialists and of other reactionary forces (Papal Court ahead), that the key condition for its establishment is the communist party based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and adopting protracted revolutionary people’s war as its strategy. In the further elaboration of our world view and of our line (the publication of our Manifesto Program is a leap forward, but it has not exhausted the elaboration of science of socialist revolution in our country), we have to use the events of Nepal to understand better our strategy and the communists’ role in class struggle: both in new democracy revolution and in socialist one.

Italian communists so salute the victory of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and of popular masses it has mobilized, to which it has finally given a consciousness and an organization consistent with their democratic needs for emancipation and progress.

Let’s so celebrate the great success got by popular masses of Nepal led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to accomplish their democratic revolution!

We communists have to spread among popular masses of our country, by leaflets, graffiti and conferences, the news of recent victory secured by new democracy revolution in Nepal. The success of democratic revolution led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is a hope signal for workmen of our country and a death signal for bourgeoisie, clergy, Papal Court and all reactionary forces. The success of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) confirms and reinforces the message of recent elections in our country: the failure of reformist forces and of bourgeois left wing. Victory is possible, but it is necessary to shake the influence of reformists and revisionists off, it is necessary to overcome the limitations which have prevented communist movement from continuing in the way of great successes secured in first part of 20th century. The success achieved by revolutionary people’s war in Nepal confirms that renewal of communist movement is progressing worldwide. Proletarian revolution’s second wave is advancing worldwide, it will establish socialism in imperialist countries, and in the countries oppressed by imperialism and in semi-feudal ones it will establish new democracy regimes which will pave the way for socialist revolution. The victories of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) confirm that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the third superior stage of communist thought and that it is the view which will guide the world proletarian revolution’s second wave.


It is easy to understand why bourgeoisie and reactionary forces of the whole world minimize before popular masses what has happened and what is happening in Nepal, while they are conspiring to bring to power again reactionary forces. They talk as little as possible about the victory of democratic revolution and about the Maoist communist party which directs it. The events of Nepal belie bourgeois propaganda among popular masses: they show that communist movement is not dead, they show that communist movement is rising again. They show what the decisive factor of that renewal is: the communists’ initiative led by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. These are the teachings which imperialistic bourgeoisie, clergy, bourgeois left wing try to hide from popular masses of our country not revealing or minimizing the events of Nepal.

Refusals, hesitation and doubts are perceived also among parties and groups, in circles and from people who profess to be communist (and perhaps they personally such honestly consider themselves and seek to be) with regard to salute and celebrate democratic revolution of Nepal. Why? Depending on the case, these refusals, hesitation and doubts are mainly the result of either one or another of the following three reasons, which combine sometimes themselves one another.

1. After the defeats suffered by communist movement in the last 40 years, many communists and other generous people have become demoralized and have lost the confidence in the possibility of establishing socialism. The first socialist countries have collapsed. Many communist parties have degenerated up to disappear or to change their nature. Many victorious revolutions have been somehow corrupted and defeated by imperialists: from South Africa to Nicaragua. Actually, all these defeats neither have been fated nor had been mainly due to the strength of imperialists and reactionaries. They had been the effect of limitations the communists themselves were affected by, of the inadequate understanding we communists had reached about current social movement, of the intellectual and moral incapability which affected the conscious and organized communist movement in order to develop a course of action suited to the concrete conditions. Who has not yet understood the real reasons for the defeats suffered by communist movement in the second part of last century, inevitably has not recovered himself from the amazement due to those defeats, and is subjected to the effects of bourgeois and clerical propaganda that overstates them. Demoralization and lack of self-confidence today prevent many people from rejoicing at communist movement’s victories. They are afraid to meet once more bitter disappointments. But if we let ourselves be dominated by the fear of failure, we won’t launch out into any enterprises, nothing new will ever go on. We have to rejoice at our victories and capacitate ourselves to avert and to prevent new defeats and to attain further victories. We can do it: Maoism has shown us the causes of past defeats and it has given us the means to set out again advancing. We have therefore to set in action all we are able to do so as the victory attained in Nepal be a step for even greater victories, even though we cannot ensure that Nepali democratic revolution will go ahead by victories, will lead to socialism and will fuse with the second wave of victorious world proletarian revolution. After all, that mainly depends on communists and on popular masses of Nepal. Nepali democratic revolution has many enemies inside Nepal and on the outside. At each new step forward which revolution will take, the right line to be followed will have to be found and will have to prevail against opposition and misunderstanding which will hinder it inside revolutionary forces and communist Party themselves: each truth establish itself just a little at a time fighting against errors, each new phenomenon is just gradually understood because one has to overpower prejudices and deep-seated habits; old ruling classes’ influence on popular masses and on us communist ourselves can be restricted and restrained but it will completely disappear only when old classes will disappear. The more we are aware of the risks we run, the better we will able to avert them and to go ahead by victories. We never have to be disheartened by possible defeats.

2. Among communists and among those who profess to be such, consider themselves such and honestly seek to be such, are still numerous those hostile to Maoism. Dogmatism is still a widespread epidemic in communist movement. Many comrades are against modern revisionism owing to the defeats and the decline it has caused to communist movement. They lay the blame for the advent of revisionism either on this or that leader. They simply whish to go back to the past. They don’t realize that if modern revisionists have succeeded in pushing forward their stupid and rehashed theories and in taking over the direction of communist movement, the reason is in the limitations which communist movement had. It is not sufficient to reject the stupid and old theories of modern revisionists (of Khrushchev, Togliatti and Berlinguer, Thorez, Tito, Teng Hsiao-ping, etc.): our fathers have received the ruinous theses of them because they had not appropriate answers to the tasks they had to face up to. If Cossutta and Bertinotti have been successful among so many personally honest and generous communists of Rifondazione Comunista [ Refoundation Communist Party ], it is because the latter didn’t see or didn’t dare to see that reality was not like Bertinotti painted it and they didn’t know which way to turn. Who has found the truths our fathers had not found yet, has to assert them. The followers of dogmatism are annoyed about the victory of a party which bases itself on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This fact actually undermines their old certainties, casts doubts on their prejudices, shakes their authority, but on the other hand it could open up new bright horizons for them. It needs to urge them to ask themselves: what communist view is the one which prevents usfrom participating in the celebration of the victories the communists of Nepal have got in democratic revolution of their country?

3. There are in the end people in communist movement who turn up their nose because the revolution progressing in Nepal is a democratic one, therefore it doesn’t establish socialism, although it is directed by a communist party. They are the other side of the coin (coin which is called “misunderstanding of modern society’s development laws taught by Marxism”) in comparison with those who let out enthusiastic but foolish hurrahs for socialist revolution in Nepal, hiding from themselves and from the public that it’s a case of new democracy revolution (democratic revolution led by communist party). Marxism teaches that definite objective conditions (practical, material, concerning productive forces’ and class composition of population’s development) and definite subjective conditions (intellectual, moral, organizational) pertaining to the modern working class are needed so as to establish socialism. It has clearly and minutely pointed out what both these conditions are. Anarchists and Trotskyists don’t take this Marxist teaching into consideration, they on the contrary openly refuse it. That’s why too they either have not had in the revolutions of our epoch an important political role or they have had a negative one. Followers of economism confuse, in turn, the struggle to establish socialism with the struggles of claims. There is no doubt, now, that in Nepal there are aplenty struggles of claims. So followers of economism are either indignant because communist party doesn’t establish socialism or wink at and cheer socialism even though rightly Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) as much is firm in the struggle against monarchy, castes system, women’s and national minorities’ oppression, against the other feudal usages and regulations, against Indian and North American imperialists’ interference, as openly it supports merchant economy’s development, alliance among popular masses on the basis of democracy, multiparty system, etc. (3) In the contemporary society socialism is popular masses’ emancipation (from imperialistic bourgeoisie, from the other reactionary forces and from all class oppressions) directed by the workers. Workers’ emancipation, in turn, can’t be but the doing of workers themselves. Nepali popular masses are driven on a large scale by a strong democratic spirit, but they are still not involved with communism. Class contradictions in the modern sense (i.e. between bourgeoisie and proletariat) are still not much developed among democratic popular masses of Nepal. In Nepal the workers don’t constitute yet a really separate class from the other classes of popular masses. Still less they constitute a conscious and organized class, ready and trained for socialism by an open class struggle against the bourgeoisie and so capable to take the power in its hands and to lead the rest of popular masses to go step by step towards communism. Nor would the present international conditions help them to accomplish such an enterprise. To talk of immediate establishment of socialism in such conditions would be either a nonsense or a fraud. Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) rightly fights, therefore, to lead democratic revolution to victory. The conditions for socialist revolution will be created only in the context of the victorious democratic revolution. The peaceful or armed aggressions of imperialists, the servile behaviour of Nepali bourgeoisie (which in new democratic conditions will rapidly develop) towards imperialism and the aware work of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will rapidly train Nepali working class (which too in new democratic conditions will rapidly develop) to become ruling class.

In imperialistic epoch, democratic revolution led by communist party is not yet socialist revolution, but it pave the way for the socialist revolution. This is the ABC of Lenin’s teaching. Mao has developed it in a separate chapter of communist thought, the chapter of new democracy revolution. (4)

For all these reasons we communists have to bring among popular masses of our country the news item and the joy for democratic revolution’s victory in Nepal. Besides, we can and we have to use the events of Nepal to strengthen in our country the subjective conditions of socialist revolution.

Actually, it is thanks to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism’s assimilation and to its application to revolutionary people’s war that the thousand streams of the resistance the popular masses oppose the progression of capitalism general crisis will converge into the socialist revolution’s river, which will overwhelm present social system with its Pope, will make Italy a new socialist country and will contribute to the victory and the development of new democracy revolutions up to their transformation into socialist revolution.


Umberto C



1. Readers who want to know the contributions given by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to communist movement’s theoretical patrimony, and the line of the party, have to derive them from the sources in English:

The Worker , magazine of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), available by <> and at Housmans Bookshop - 5, Caledonian Road, King Cross, London N1 9DX Great Britain, tel. 0044. (0),

The Red Star , fortnightly magazine, available by <>, tel. 00977.(0) Nepal,

Some Important Documents of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) of Prachanda and others, and People’s war and Women’s Liberation in Nepal of Hisila Yami (comrade Parvati), pamphlets are available at Second Wave Pubblications & Distribution, BM Box 2978, London WC1N 3XX, Great Britain, <>.

In Italian are available the pamphlet Innalzare la bandiera rivoluzionaria sul monte Everest nel 21° secolo [ Raise the Revolutionary Flag on Mount Everest in 21st Century ] and scattered texts translated by the International Relations Department of Party of the Committees to Support Resistance - for Communism (CARC) at Edizioni Rapporti Sociali [ Social Relations Publishing ], <>, tel. Milan,

Some Important Documents of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and People’s war and Women’s Liberation in Nepal have both been translated in Italian, but  unfortunately translation is completely unreliable.


2. About China prospects see La Voce [ The Voice of (new)Italian Communist Party ] No. 22 ( Il ruolo della rivoluzione cinese nel movimento comunista mondiale e L’invasione cinese ) [ Chinese Revolution’s Role In the World Communist Movement and The Chinese Invasion ]. About Arab and Muslim countries’ anti-imperialist resistance, see La Voce [ The Voice of (new)Italian Communist Party ] No. 16 ( La rivoluzione democratica antimperialista dei paesi arabi e musulmani ) ( The Anti-Imperialist Democratic Revolution of Arab and Muslim Countries ). See


3. Multiparty system is the physiological and fit expression, at political level, of a society whose system acknowledges antagonistic interests. Such pre-eminently are the societies based on merchant production and on capitalist production. To suppress multiparty system without suppressing capitalist production and merchant production inevitably lead to reactionary and absurd results (i.e. unsettled, provisional, of short duration, which require a continuous political effort so as to stand). Modern revisionists have sought, by enormous effort and waste, to prop up as long as they could a sole-party political regime in societies which every day more they were carrying towards capitalist economy and merchant economy. The result became clear before by the decline, and in the end by the collapse of socialist countries built in Eastern Europe and of Soviet Union. About the subject see the Manifesto Program of (new)Italian Communist Party, p. 176-181 and the CP Statement June 20th 2008 Democratic revolution or socialist revolution - Pluripatitism or dictatorship of the proletariat in English section of EiLE in


4. About the new democracy revolution and the other main contributions of Maoism to the communist thought, see L’ottava discriminante [ The Eighth Discriminating Factor ], in La Voce [ The Voice of (new)Italian Communist Party ] No. 10. See also The eithgth Discriminating Factor in English section of EiLE in